Nurse Kaci Hickox is not Typhoid Mary

x- post HIstory News Network

Like other bloggers, as I’ve watched the story of Kaci Hickox, the Doctors Without Frontiers nurse who was forcibly confined to a tent in a hospital parking garage in New Jersey following a trip to West Africa to treat Ebola patients, I’ve been struck by the similarity between her situation and that of the infamous “Typhoid” Mary Mallon at the turn of the twentieth century.  Like Mallon, Hickox is a fiery redhead with working class roots who defied excessive infringements on personal liberty for the sake of public health.   As Hickox told reporters last week,  “So many states have started enacting these policies that I think are just completely not evidence-based. They don’t do a good job of balancing the risks and benefits when thinking about taking away an individual’s rights.” “I understand how fear spreads,” she said. “But if I’m a nurse and I have a patient in the hospital, it’s our responsibility as medical professionals to advocate for our patients. Now, it’s the medical professionals who are being stigmatized. Even if there is popular public opinion, we still have to advocate for what’s right.”

Last week, Maine Judge Charles LaVerdiere sided with Hickox, declaring the nurse “currently does not show symptoms of Ebola and is therefore not infectious,” confirming what Hickox and her supporters have been saying all along. The judge also decried “the misconceptions, misinformation, bad science, and bad information being spread from shore to shore in our country with respect to Ebola . .  . The court is fully aware that people are acting out of fear and that this fear is not entirely rational.” Hickox has agreed to inform public health officials of her movements and submit to daily monitoring of her condition, requirements that are consistent with the Centers for Disease Control guidelines for non-symptomatic medical personnel returning from West Africa.

Unlike Hickox, Mary Mallon did not have science on her side. In her book Typhoid Mary: Captive to the Public’s Health, historian Judith Walzer Leavitt describes the “shoe leather” public health detective work that traced several outbreaks of typhoid fever in early nineteenth-century New York to the infamous Irish cook.  Key to their success was the new concept of a health carrier — a person who showed no signs of typhoid fever yet carried the bacteria that caused the disease in their feces and urine and could transmit it to others via unwashed hands. Leavitt describes how Mallon was “the first person in North America to be identified, charted, and reported in the literature as a healthy typhoid carrier.”  Once public health officials tracked her down in 1907, Mallon was arrested and confined to an isolation cottage on the grounds of Riverside Hospital on North Brother Island in New York for two years until she successfully sued for her release in 1909.  Mallon disappeared from public view until 1915, when city public health workers traced another outbreak of typhoid fever to her work as a cook in a private home.  Again she was arrested and confined to North Brother Island, this time for over twenty years until her death in 1938.

Gender and class bias played a prominent role in treatment of Mallon. As an Irish-born domestic servant, Mallon was already an object of scorn since most “respectable” women of this time did not work outside the home.  Although Irish Americans were more assimilated and tolerated than more recent arrivals from central and southern Europe, recent Irish immigrants like Mallon “who were not well integrated into middle-class New York City life and did not meet American standards,” still felt the sting of anti-Irish prejudice (for example in the acronym “NINA” for “No Irish Need Apply” attached to job announcements). The civil engineer who helped track her down, George Soper, said “Mary walked more like a man than a woman and . . . her mind had a distinctly masculine character also.”  He described the home Mallon shared with a “disreputable looking man” as “a place of dirt and disorder” and Mallon as “careless in her personal habits.” Although there were other healthy carriers in this era — 400 in New York alone by the 1930s — Mallon was the only one who was, as Mary put it, “banished like a leper” and confined for over two decades.

Ideas about “appropriate” female behavior play a role in public discussions of Kaci Hickox as well.  Because nursing grew out of women’s traditional obligations towards the sick in their families, nurses are expected to be subservient and self-sacrificing.  Hickox crossed the line from selfless “Florence Nightingale” to “selfish brat” by daring to assert her authority as a health care professional and her rights as a human being. As Joe Niemczura observes in an article for the Daily Kos, Hickox’s fate is “a huge ‘teachable moment’ ” for the nursing profession and the USA.” In defying Governors Christie and LaPage, Hickox “was doing what we, as faculty of nursing, hope that every nurse will do. Nurses do not simply take orders from doctors.  Rather, “a nurse is responsible to apply their own knowledge and judgment and not do anything blindly.” Niemczura and other nursing faculty tell their students that they must advocate for both themselves and their patients. “In every school of nursing, this is an ethical principle we hammer into the students, both in the classroom and at clinical. You Must Speak up. This goes all the way to Florence Nightingale in Scutari during the Crimean War. Being silent is worse than being over-ruled.”

Unfortunately, our society still tends to frown on women who speak truth to power.  Hickox should not be treated like Typhoid Mary because she refused to be a silent angel at the beside.  In fact, no one deserves to be treated like Typhoid Mary, not even Mary Mallon herself.

My New Blog at HNN: For Ebola, The Band Played On, and On, and On

x-post History News Network

At a recent meeting of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, Centers for Disease Control (CDC) Director Tom Frieden likened the current Ebola outbreak to the early years of the AIDS epidemic.  “I’ve been working in public health for 30 years,” said Friedan. “The only thing like this has been AIDS. And we have to work now so that this is not the world’s next AIDS,” Frieden said.

Since I’m a historian of medicine, I have been thinking the same thing as I’ve watched the Ebola epidemic unfold over the past few months.  I first read about the Ebola virus in journalist Randy Shilts’s book And the Band Played On: Politics, People, and the AIDS Epidemic (1987).  Although the book was meant to raise awareness about the AIDS crisis, it begins in 1976 with a “virulent outbreak of a horrifying new disease” in a town along the Ebola river on the Zaire-Sudan border, which “had demonstrated the dangers of primitive medicine and new viruses.” The outbreak started when a trader from a nearby village came to the teaching hospital for nurses in Maridi with fevers and profuse, uncontrollable bleeding. Within days 40 percent of their student nurses were infected.

Alarmed local leaders called the World Health Organization, who sent doctors from American Centers for Disease Control. By the time the CDC workers arrived, thirty-nine nurses and two doctors had died from what was now called Ebola hemorrhagic fever.  CDC doctors quickly isolated those with fevers and the epidemic was quickly contained.  Still the toll was high:  53% of those who contracted the disease died from it.  “Years later,” Shilts wrote, “a tenuous relief would fill the voices of doctors who talked of how fortunate it was for humankind that this new killer had awakened in this most remote corner of the world and been stamped out so quickly.  A site just a bit closer to regional crossroads could have released a horrible plague.”

Ebola epidemics have occurred periodically in rural parts of West and Central Africa but until this year have been quickly contained.  In contrast, the current epidemic first emerged in a major urban area and spread rapidly before an effective containment strategy could be put in place. From there, it has spread to other heavily populated areas, and now, because of air travel, to the United States and Europe.  The fact that the virus has until now been confined to isolated rural areas explains, but does not excuse, why public health officials were caught off-guard.  As Shilts reminded us back in 1987, “With  modern roads and jet travel, no corner of the world was very remote anymore; never again could diseases linger undetected for centuries among a distant people without finding some route to fan out across the planet.”

Calls by Texas Governor Rick Perry and members of Congress to ban flights from countries in West Africa where the epidemic is raging, while understandable, also risk creating the kind of ignorance and xenophobia we saw during the early years of the AIDs epidemic.  In his book When Germs Travel: Six Major Epidemics that Have Invaded America and the Fears They Have Unleashed, Howard Markel observes that the discovery of AIDS among homosexuals, heroin users, Haitians, and Haitian immigrants living in New York and South Florida “helped to create a powerful association of sexuality, substance abuse, ‘bad blood,’ black skin, voodoo rituals, and prejudice.” Haitian refugees who were HIV positive were held at “Confinement Camps” in Guantanamo Bay.  Although these refugees were eventually allowed to settle in the United States, discrimination against Haitians continued. Haitians in the U.S. were the only immigrant group that the FDA prohibited from donating blood, even though the percentage of Haitians infected with HIV was much lower than residents of San Francisco, New York, Boston, or San Juan, Puerto Rico. After nationwide protests by the Haitian immigrant community and their supporters, “the FDA formally removed Haitians from its list of banned blood donors.”

We are already seeing this type of racism in the news coverage of the current Ebola epidemic.  For example, Andrea Tantaros of Fox warned that people who travel to the country and show symptoms of Ebola will “seek treatment from a witch doctor” instead of going to the hospital. Immigrants and visitors from Liberia, Guinea, and Sierra Leone are being shunned and asked to leave work out of fears they will spread disease, and Navarro College near Dallas is refusing to accept international students from countries with confirmed Ebola cases. Conservative radio hosts Rush Limbaugh and Michael Savage have even suggested that President Obama and other liberals deliberately want to spread Ebola in the United States as punishment for slavery. Randy Shilts died in 1994, but hopefully his message that prejudice is no way to fight a plague will live on.

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Our Teens, Ourselves

via Our Bodies, Our Blog, where Melanie Holmes describes how her mother gave her older sister a copy of Our Bodies, Ourselves to her oldest sister, and then “instructed each sister to hand down the book to the next.”  When Holmes’ daughter turned 10, Holmes bought an updated copy of “Our Bodies, Ourselves” to read together “We covered the basics; I wanted her to know what her forthcoming menses would mean.”

Since I study the history of adolescent health, I know that one of the founders of the Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, Ruth Davidson Bell Alexander,  published a guide for teens called Changing Bodies, Changing Lives: A Book for Teens on Sex and Relationships.  The first edition was published in 1980. Although the title emphasizes teenage sexuality the book also describes “the many physical and emotional changes that occur during adolescence.”  The book has been updated several times, and the most recent edition was released in 2008. 

So, I’m wondering why mothers choose to give their daughters the adult version of Our Bodies, Ourselves instead of Changing Bodies, Changing Lives.  Are they unaware of the teen version?  Or do they find the information in OBOS better?

One Year of ‘Forbidden Histories’

Happy Belated Anniversary!

Sommer_HPS's avatarForbidden Histories

It was precisely a year ago that I entered the world of history of science blogging by launching ‘Forbidden Histories’. (Incidentally, my first title choice – ‘Hidden Histories’– was already taken, and somewhat reluctantly I decided to go with the more melodramatic-sounding name.) One year later, I’m still not sufficiently blogosphere-savvy to understand what exactly statistics of page views and Facebook ‘likes’ tell me about the blog’s success. Regardless, a short résumé might be useful to provide visitors with a handy overview of what has been done so far, but also help me think about how I would like ‘Forbidden Histories’ to develop in the long run.

'Forbidden Histories' on Facebook ‘Forbidden Histories’ on Facebook

My first blog post sketched the hidden history of the ‘poltergeist’ and its naturalization, taking issue with the anachronistic definition of the term in the Oxford English Dictionary. Other texts were concerned with the tacit and circular…

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Can ‘middle child syndrome’ be applied to four nations history?

Intriguing post.

fournationshistory's avatarFour Nations History Network

Can ‘middle child syndrome’ be applied to four nations history?

This week, Edinburgh PhD student Sophie Cooper ponders the complex interrelationships between nations and regions, and asks, just whose history are we teaching secondary school children? 

‘Middle child syndrome can lead to a sense of low self-esteem, feelings of insecurity and jealousy of others.’

 Many will not appreciate my use of this comparison, but I believe that it can be applied to the study of four nations history in schools. I studied “British” history for years within the English school system and in all that time, Scotland managed to get in for a lesson or few (James VI/I and all that), Ireland crowned a few pretenders to the throne, and Wales…well Wales hid Henry Tudor for a bit but that was about it. The biggest power struggle within the Four Nations for me, as a native of Yorkshire, was firstly with…

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The intersection of rights in Harris v. Quinn

via CT News Junkie, which reports that “Republican lawmakers and advocates for disabled people called upon the state Tuesday to halt plans to collect union fees from home health care workers” following the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Harris v. Quinn. In that decision, the SCOTUS “found that home health care workers in Illinois paid through Medicaid can not be forced to pay fees to the union representing them.”

One of the advocates mentioned above is Manchester resident Cathy Ludlum, who has spinal muscular atrophy and employs personal care assistants.  Ludlow and other opponents of Connecticut’s health-care workers’ union “called upon the state to stop plans to begin collecting union dues and what is called ‘agency fees’ from workers who chose not to join the union but have nonetheless been represented by it in collective bargaining negotiations. ‘Were this not to happen yesterday, union dues and agency fees would start coming out of my employees’ paychecks,’” said Ludlum. “’What we are asking for, to answer your question, is [the application of union fees] be rescinded immediately so that they don’t take that hit starting in two weeks.’”

Other aspects of Ludlum’s advocacy have much in common with other disability rights activists:  she has written for the disability rights blog Not Dead Yet and been a vocal opponent of efforts to pass a “right to die” law in the state of Connecticut.  In a 2010 article in the Hartford Courant, Ludlum told reporters that she believed “misconceptions about people with severe disabilities can lead medical workers to give them less aggressive lifesaving options. Doctors might think they would not want to live if they were in the patient’s condition and assume the patient feels the same, she said. Or medical workers might see a disability as a fatal condition, even if it is not.” These observations made her “wary of an effort in Connecticut to let terminally ill patients end their lives through medication prescribed by doctors. . . The concept — giving people in pain control over their dying processes — may sound sympathetic, Ludlum said. But she and other advocates fear the reality will be more complex, and could leave people who have severe disabilities vulnerable. They worry about the law being misapplied — for example, if a person with a disability asks for help dying but is not terminally ill — and about the ideas such a policy would foster about the worthiness of a life lived with diminished capacity.”

On a website for disabled persons looking to hire home care workers, Ludlum has said, “The whole world opened up for me when I started hiring personal care assistants. Without their commitment and support, I could not have an active and independent life.” For Ludlum, “it became especially important that I hire personal care assistants who were reliable, and who would enjoy being part of my life. People who thought of it simply as a “job” usually moved on after a year or two. But those who really understood the importance of what they were doing often stayed five years or more. Some even became lifelong friends.”

Ludlum’s story is linked to that of her personal care assistant, Debbie Barisano, who says:

“For twenty-five years I worked in a high paying job as a computer programmer, but I was not happy. The job was very stressful and I was sick a lot. I had volunteered for two organizations working with people with disabilities, and I wanted to find a job in that area where I would be happy going to work every day. I decided to enroll at Manchester (CT) Community College in the Disability Specialist Program. One day Cathy, a woman with a severe physical disability, came to my class and spoke about her life. She mentioned that she needed a personal care assistant. I was interested, but at the same time I was scared. I had never done anything like that. I waited a month before calling Cathy, but I found out the first night that there was no reason to be nervous. She explained everything and I fell in love with the job. I have worked for Cathy since 1999, and I have loved going into work every day. In my first two years, I had only had two sick days, and I stopped needing some medications since I became a personal care assistant. I have had to make some sacrifices in order to work full time as a personal care assistant. I moved into a smaller place in affordable housing, and I do not have extra spending money any more. I also do not have any health benefits. But I would not trade my new profession for the extra money.”

Unfortunately, not all workers are able to make these kinds of sacrifices.  Both Ludlum and Barisano have opposed efforts to unionize home health care workers.  In 2012, Ludlum was the lead plaintiff in a lawsuit filed by the Yankee Institute for Public Policy, a conservative think-tank that “advocates for free market, limited government public policy solutions in Connecticut.” The lawsuit contended that Ludlow was “eligible for state subsidies that pay for her care through a Medicaid waiver,” and thus “she is an independent employer. She has the right to enter contracts with people who take care of her, and to negotiate benefits like vacation time and workers compensation, without any interference from a union. Similarly, just because PCAs receive a state subsidy for taking care of our most vulnerable neighbors like Cathy does not make them state employees. They are independent contractors and SEIU does not have a right to siphon off union dues from their pay.”

In other words, the Yankee Institute lawsuit contended that laws that created ways for home health care workers to join in collective bargaining trampled on the rights of disabled persons and the “right to work.”

Barisano also spoke against these laws.  In her testimony, Barisano called attention to the “unique relationship” between a personal care assistant and a person with a disability, likening this relationship that of a “family.” Barisano argued that the union “forcing itself” between the personal care assistant and the person with a disability would “ruin this relationship.”

This is very similar to the argument in Harris v. Quinn, except in this case it was an actual family member taking care of a person with a disability.  The lead plaintiff in that case, Pam Harris, said one reason she went to battle with the Illinois chapter of SEIU is that “I don’t want anyone to get between me and caring for my son.”

To those of us who study women’s history, these stories are very familiar.  Historically, nursing and personal care was done by female family members within the home.  Even after the profession of nursing left the physical confines of the home, and nurses started to form unions, the expectation that nursing was a “noble” profession that required exceptional levels of dedication and self-sacrifice persisted.  At the same time, the notion that these jobs were “women’s work” that were merely extensions of women’s traditional domestic responsibilities meant that they were historically undervalued and underpaid.

Eileen Boris and Jennifer Klein observe in an article in the Nation that these problems were especially true of domestic jobs held by immigrant women and women of color. They contend that the Harris decision “colludes in their misidentification as “just moms” and mischaracterizes the origins of home care work as an alternative to welfare for unemployed black domestic workers and other poor women. With a newly invented category of “partial public employee,” Alito denies women working in the home the same rights as other employees, returning unionized personal attendants to the status of household workers still excluded from the National Labor Relations Act. ” In addition,  “by dismissing the decades-long struggle of African American and immigrant women for recognition as workers, Harris reduces a state regulated labor market to individualized acts of love and obligation, furthering the agenda of well-funded anti-union forces.”

Not all home health workers share Barisano’s vision of sacrifice: rather, they welcome the ‘intrusion” of the union because it improves their wages and working conditions. Terrell Williams, one of the home health care workers who organized to become part of Connecticut’s SEIU District 1199, told CT News Junkie that “’I see being part of a union as a privilege. Home care workers put a lot of work in to form this union so we can have a voice and the issues that are important to us are heard. We are on the work sites every day, not elected officials, and we have the right to decide what is best for us and the people we care for.’”

In his column for the SCOTUS blog, Samuel Bagenstos points out that many disability rights activists supported the rights of their personal care assistants to collectively bargain:

Illinois’s system, like the systems in others states that have adopted consumer direction, gave the state the power to set workforce-wide terms and conditions of employment (like wages and benefits), while reserving day-to-day supervision and the choice of personal assistant to the individual beneficiaries with disabilities themselves. By allowing personal assistants to select a union to collectively bargain with the state on those workforce-wide terms and conditions, Illinois gave those workers the tools to negotiate higher wages and more ample benefits.  And this, in turn, helped to stabilize a personal-assistant workforce that had been marked by high turnover.  That is why many organizations of people with disabilities in Illinois and other states with similar collective-bargaining regimes signed on to a brief I filed in Harris in support of those regimes.”

In short, union rights, women’s rights, and the rights of persons with disabilities are intertwined. The Harris decision is not only a problem for organized labor and the rights of working women, it also threatens the independence of persons with disabilities.  It’s too bad Cathy Ludlow can’t see that.

 

My Post for Philly.com on emergency contraception and some thoughts on Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc.

Earlier today Philly.com posted my column on last year’s FDA ruling that Plan B One-Step could be sold over-the-counter without age restrictions.  The column was already in progress when yesterday’s Supreme Court decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. was handed down. Even though the column discusses a non-prescription drug, which isn’t covered by the Affordable Care Act,  Philly.com thought it timely enough to publish it today.

There are a number of excellent columns and blog posts about the implications of this decision not just for contraception but health care in general (for example, see this one at Nursing Clio), so my observations will come from my expertise as a historian of childhood and youth.  One of my Facebook friends mentioned the case of Commonwealth v. Twitchell. The case involved parents who were  were convicted of involuntary manslaughter because their son died of a bowel obstruction when they relied on the Christian Science practice spiritual healing rather than seeking medical care.  (there were several other similar cases involving Christian Scientists during the 1980s and 1990s involving parents were prosecuted for murder, manslaughter, or child neglect).  Although the Twitchell’s conviction was overturned on a technicality, the prosecutors’ office observed, “the law is now clear: parents cannot sacrifice the lives of their children in the name of religious freedom.”

In her dissent from the majority opinion in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote, “Would the [religious] exemption…extend to employers with religiously grounded objections to blood transfusions (Jehovah’s Witnesses); antidepressants (Scientologists); medications derived from pigs, including anesthesia, intravenous fluids, and pills coated with gelatin (certain Muslims, Jews, and Hindus); and vaccinations[?]…Not much help there for the lower courts bound by today’s decision.”

Children are covered either by their parents’ health insurance or the state (Medicaid).  The state has a duty in loco parentis to care for child health and welfare.  Now that corporations (or at least certain kinds of corporations) have the same religious freedoms as individuals, what happens in the case of a child or adolescent who dies because their parents’ employer objects to their treatment on religious grounds?  Will a corporation’s religious freedoms trump the health needs of the child? Or will the law eventually decide that, like parents, corporations can’t sacrifice the lives of children in the name of religious freedom either?  Just wondering.

 

 

My Celebrity Sighting at #Berks2014

I have a new post up at Nursing Clio about the Berkshire 2014 conference.  Since the post was getting rather long, I had to condense my celebrity sighting story.  Here’s the full version for others who might find it interesting:

 

The high point for me came on the last day of the conference on Sunday morning.  I feel sympathy for those assigned the Sunday morning time slots: they are usually sparsely attended because people are in the process of leaving, have already left, or are sleeping in after the big Saturday night dance.

[Yes, there is a dance at the Berkshire Conference.  As @Leah Wiener tweeted, “ is where you dance with the people you cited for your comprehensive exams.”]

My roommate was chairing a Sunday session on “Exploring the History of Abortion Through Film,” so skipping the session would have been a major faux pas.  Before the session started I made a trip to the washroom.  This being a conference where female attendees far outnumbered male ones, there was a long line outside the women’s room (and yes some of us did invade the nearly empty men’s room).  I engaged in small talk with the young woman ahead of me in line. I knew I recognized her from somewhere but couldn’t quite place her.  Perhaps she was a former student or someone I met at another conference?  Once I saw her name tag it all came together.  Here’s a picture of her (via the conference website):

66ème Festival de Venise (Mostra)

Yes, that’s right, I was in line with   I’ve been a fan of hers for quite some time — I especially loved her luminous performance in “My Life Without Me.” Rather than being a total geek, I kept my cool and said, “oh you’re the filmmaker, that’s why you look so familiar.” She said modestly, “yes, that’s right, I’m trying to make a session on the history of abortion” — the very same session my friend was chairing! [BTW, this was not the first time I spotted a celebrity in the women’s room — back when I was in graduate school, I saw Natalie Merchant prior to a performance by 10,ooo Maniacs.  That time I said nothing since she was about to go onstage and clearly did not want to be sidetracked by a fan!.]

Polley was at the conference for a screening and Q & A for her film “Stories We Tell.” Unfortunately I missed the screening in order to attend a friend’s session.  According to the Berkshire Conference backchannel on Twitter (#Berks2014), the screening was a huge success.  Here are some tweets from @BerksConference:

“Polley: because the film is about storytelling, I thought it was important to include my process as a storyteller.”

“Polley introduces the film, thanks us for applauding at news she’s adapting [Margaret] Atwood’s “’Alias Grace.’”

I can’t wait to see what Polley does with this book.  Atwood is one of my favorite authors and Alias Grace is one of her best works. Based on what I’ve seen of her previous work, I’m certain Polley will do a better job of adapting that novel than Volker Schlöndorff did with “The Handmaid’s Tale.”  Let’s hope Polley’s film version of Alias Grace is ready for the next Big Berks Conference.

Now, Polley could have been a prima donna: she easily could have made an appearance for her film screening and then left. Instead, she decided to be a real conference participant.  She stayed for the whole thing and attended other sessions, including one on Sunday morning featuring another feminist filmmaker. Because that’s what feminists do.  They support each others’ work. I think this is a sign that the Berkshire Conference has succeeded in its efforts to reach beyond the academy and appeal to a wider audience interested in women’s history.