SHCY: Historians of Childhood and Public Policy

Still working on the first day of sessions — here is a companion website for the roundtable on “Entering into the Fray: Historians of Childhood and Public Policy.”  I thought Julia Grant’s presentation was especially useful complement to Tenured Radical’s smackdown of Christian Hoff Sommers.  The short version — there is a boy problem, but it’s not new and it’s not caused by feminism.  Yeah!

Off to the last half day of sessions.

SHCY Panel on Youth and Activism in the 1960s and 1970s

Yesterday was the opening day of the Society of the History of Childhood and Youth biennial conference. My panel, Perspectives on Youth and Activism: Authority, Agency, and Activism in 1960s and 1970s went very well.  [unfortunately the third presenter on the program could not afford to attend, and her replacement didn’t show and gave no advance notice].  Here’s an overview with my comments on the papers.

“Little Women’s Libbers: Children, Feminism, and Social Change in the United States, 1969-1979” Lori Rotskoff, Barnard Center for Research on Women

Prof. Rotskoff nicely pulls together history of childhood and history of the twentieth-century women’s movement, exploring how children became part of “complex cultural history” of second wave feminism.  She has drawn on a rich collection of letters written by girls to Ms. Magazine to illustrate how girls negotiated messages about feminism in the media and sexism in their own lives.

In a longer version of the paper, she gives some caveats about these sources that I think are important to mention here. Like Peter Stearns, she argues that it is difficult to find sources that are completely untainted by adulthood, and that the Ms. letters might have been influenced by adult encouragement and/or adult assistance in getting the letter in the mail.

Her paper centers around three key points: children played an instrumental role in the development and dissemination of second-wave feminism, as feminists used childrearing as an arena in which to construct their egalitarian goals; that children themselves helped spread feminism beyond the organizations and communities within which the women’s movement originated; and finally, the Ms. letters show how the liberal wing of the women’s movement overshadowed radical feminism.

Because I was the same age as some of her correspondents at the time, I thought her discussion of the impact of the “Brady Bunch” episode, “The Liberation of Marcia Brady,” was right on target. I suggest that she look at how shows aimed primarily at adults might have influenced girls at this time – e.g. I remember quite clearly the “Gloria Discovers Women’s Lib” episode of “All in the Family,” in which Gloria gives her mother Edith a copy of the Feminine Mystique and encourages her mother to stand up to Archie.  And then there’s the spinoff series Maude, with a catchy theme song comparing its heroine to historical women who shook things up Lady Godiva, Joan of Arc, Isadora Duncan, and Betsy Ross.

A few months ago, I posted an entry on my blog asking what happened to this feminist programming?  My guess is that once “women’s lib” was no longer new or exciting, broadcasters moved on to other things.

I also think that “women’s lib” episodes, perhaps intentionally, presented an image of feminism that was slightly ridiculous. Although some of the goals of liberal feminism – especially equality in girls education – did win out, it was at the expense of a more radical challenge to gender roles and assumptions about femininity (and masculinity). This is why we still have a range of consumer products aimed at either boys or girls.

This doesn’t mean that girls (or boys) passively accept these products. Female students in my WGSS class, when asked to name their favorite toys, were as apt to name Power Rangers or Ninja Turtles as they were Cabbage Patch kids.

The gender revolution that Rotskoff hopes for at the end of her paper is definitely happening on the Web.  A good centralized source for this revolution is the book Girls Make Media, by Mary Celeste Kearney, which also has a companion blog. In addition to online sources, both Barnard and Duke have huge collections of  “zines” produced by girls and women who identified with Third Wave feminism in the 1990s. Despite the growth of the web, girls and women continue to produce these zines, as a form of “DIY feminism.”

“Mass Student Insurrection” or What Happened When Long-Haired High School Students Challenged Authority, 1964-1969”
Gayle V. Fischer, Salem State University

Prof. Fischer’s paper also contributes to our understanding of how children and youth experienced and contributed to social movements of this period. She describes how boys challenged school regulations that prohibited long hair styles. This is another excellent example of how children and youth participated in the cultural phenomena of the “sixties.”

I think it would be helpful to include some background on student struggles for freedom of expression more generally to get an understanding of where this vocabulary of “kids rights” originated.  In particular, in what ways did the Tinker v. Des Moines decision in 1969, which declared that constitutional rights to free speech “did not end at the schoolhouse gate” provide the foundation for student cases regarding hair and dress codes?

I would also like to get a clearer understanding of what Fischer refers to as the “1960s definition of masculinity” and why long hair in particular was a threat to that. Conversely, how/why did some argue that long hair epitomized masculinity? I think more was at work here than the boundary between male/female – was there also an element of homophobia her as well?  In asserting that masculinity and long hair were compatible, were proponents of long hair for heterosexual men distinguishing themselves from gay men?

Also, in what ways did the older sisters of the “little women’s libbers” described in Rotskoff’s essay help shape this debate about long hair? Were “feminine-looking” men all the more threatening because women too were challenging gender norms, e.g. by wearing jeans to school? Were girls more successful in challenging dress codes, and if so, why?  Did long-haired men use any of the vocabulary from the feminist movement – e.g. the personal is political – to justify their right to wear their hair the way they wished?

Fischer may already be doing this in her longer work – but what role did the “peer culture” of mass media play in the popularization of long hair for boys? The “Brady Bunch” first season, broadcast 1969-1970 – Mike Brady and the boys all have relatively short hair.  By the second season, all the boys have long hair, and by season three even Mike has longish hair and sideburns.  The “Partridge Family” (1970-74) which was even more popular than “The Brady Bunch” also featured comparatively “wholesome” TV characters with long hair. Shampoo, styling gel, and other hair products were also being aggressively sold in magazines aimed at boys and young men. Children’s programming like the Marlo Thomas album and TV special “Free to Be You and Me” not only promoted egalitarian messages for girls, but also encouraged boys to get in touch with their softer side – e.g. football hero Rosie Greer telling boys “It’s alright to cry” and another song about a boy who wanted a doll.

Finally, Fischer could consider some of the points raised by Gael Graham, “Flaunting the Freak Flag: Karr v. Schmidt and the Great Hair Debate in American High Schools, 1965-1975,”which focuses on a lawsuit filed by Chesley Karr in El Paso Texas. Graham shows how the long hair debate needs to be understood within the larger context of the “rights revolution” of this era.  She further argues that long hair had distinctive racial meanings.  African-American boys and men grew long Afros to free themselves from earlier cultural imperatives to “whiten” their hairstyles. Native American and Chicano men grew their hair to reclaim an ancestral heritage they believed had been destroyed by whites.

Thoughts on Children, Youth, and the Sixties

As a high school student in the late 1970s, I read Joyce Maynard’s memoir, Looking Back (an expansion of her 1972 article for the New York Times magazine), in which she described how she “missed out” on most of the 1960s. “We inherited a previous generation’s hand-me-downs and took in the seams, turned up the hems, to make our new fashions. We took drugs from the college kids and made them a high-school commonplace. We got the Beatles, but not those lovable look-alikes in matching suits with barber cuts and songs that made you want to cry.

They came to us like a bad joke–aged, bearded, discordant. And we inherited the Vietnam War just after the crest of the wave–too late to burn draft cards and too early not to be drafted. . . So where are we now? Generalizing is dangerous.”

I would say that generalizing is even more problematic when describing children and the “sixties” – which many historians have described as a “long decade” stretching from the late 1950s to the early 1970s. Fifteen years ago, the  journal Lingua Franca published an article called “Who Owns the Sixties”?  This article described a “generation gap” in sixties scholarship, between older baby boomers who had been college students in the mid to late 1960s; and those at the tail end of the boom whose memories of the decade were those of young children and adolescents. One historian quoted in the article, Thomas Sugrue of the University of Pennsylvania, said his most powerful memory of the sixties was not the usual stock footage of Woodstock, but of watching National Guard tanks roll down the riot-torn streets of his Detroit neighborhood in the late 1960s; he was five years old at the time. How many other stories like this are out there but have been neglected because children are considered peripheral to the “movement”?

Historians of childhood and youth have done much to reconsider how our understanding of major historical events – such as world wars – change when viewed through children’s eyes.  These papers presented at this session do a great job of doing the same for the complex cultural transformations of the 1960s and 1970s.

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In the discussion that followed, Lori reminded us of a number from “Free to Be You and Me” featuring Michael Jackson and Roberta Flack  that I had forgotten.  Here’s a clip.  How ironic in light of the various body modifications Jackson made as an adult.  Too bad Brooke Shields couldn’t convince him to love his body.

Echidne on Palin « Feminist Law Professors

Echidne on Palin « Feminist Law Professors.

More sexist crapola from faux-gressive blogs.  After I posted my last message on this topic, a friend of mine on Facebook asked if Palin’s resignation and the ensuing blowback has set back women in politics.  My answer was that because Palin is a mass of contradictions it may not matter that much.  My mistake — Echidne’s tour de sewer clearly shows this is a sign of much deeper misogyny towards female politicians.

Tenured Radical smacks down Christina Hoff Sommers

This fits well with my earlier post on the biography of Helen Gurley Brown  — who I think is more of a feminist than Sommers. Brown also doesn’t make crap up about WGSS courses (like Sommers tried to do at a lecture on my campus until we called her on it).

Tenured Radical: “And Your Little Dog Too!!!” Christina Hoff Sommers Still Wants The Ruby Slippers.

Nixon and Abortion

RICHARD NIXON FAREWELLYesterday’s New York Times reported on a newly released Nixon tape that reveals the president’s private thoughts on abortion.  Although the President made no public statements about the Roe v. Wade decision, he made the following private statements on January 22, 1973, the day the decision was handed down (audio file here):

Nixon worried that greater access to abortions would foster “permissiveness,” and said that “it breaks the family.” But he also saw a need for abortion in some cases — like interracial pregnancies, he said.

“There are times when an abortion is necessary. I know that. When you have a black and a white,” he told an aide, before adding, “Or a rape.”

I’m somewhat surprised that Nixon supported abortion at all.  Yet, I’m not as surprised as others that he supported neoeugenics — i.e. selective reduction of births of “undesirables.” As Rebecca Kluchin demonstrates in her excellent new book, Fit to Be Tied, forced sterilization of poor women, especially women of color, continued well into the later half of the twentieth century, at the same time that more privileged white women were asserting their rights to reproductive self-determination.  So, Nixon’s views, while certainly bigoted and abhorrent, were similar to the views of some population control experts who saw limiting reproduction as a solution to the “culture of poverty”.

Sarah Palin goes to Seneca Falls

senecafalls060509cvia Feminist Law Professors, who calls the visit “cringeworthy.”  I’m not so sure — let’s keep in mind that these sound bites are often taken out of context. Also, let’s face it, a lot of so-called progressive columnists like to make Palin look like a stupid hillbilly. [who the hell cares about her pedicure — how about discussing the substance of her visit? To paraphrase Melissa McEwan, if you take misogynist pot-shots at conservative women, you’re a fauxgressive, not a progressive]

I’d agree that mentioning Susan B. Anthony opposed abortion is annoying, but it’s also true.  Palin just neglects to mention the context — at the time, abortion was a dangerous procedure. Anthony also believed that the sexual double standard caused women to have abortions.  (“When a woman destroys the life of her unborn child, it is a sign that, by education or circumstances, she has been greatly wronged.” 1869)

Palin’s remark that “I think the more things change, the more they stay the same in some arenas,” is dead on IMHO.  At least she’s trying to appreciate early feminists and the ways they paved the way for her and other female leaders.  Here’s a slideshow of the visit from the Syracuse, NY local news.

Folks, we can’t always preach to the choir.  If Palin’s visit to Seneca Falls can convert other conservative women to the cause of feminism, then this is a good thing.

Lessons for Girls: Love your body

ck.brooke2

This post is my humble contribution to a meme started by Historiann.  I’m also going to riff off another post of hers on Brooke Shields.   Now, my adolescent self would hardly have put these two together.  I both hated and emulated her for those Calvin Klein ads — they were one of the (many) reasons I disliked my body.  I dieted strenuously and got real skinny so I could fit into my pair of CKs.  Other girls in my high school went further and were hospitalized for anorexia nervosa and other eating disorders.

In graduate school, I worked with Joan Jacobs Brumberg, and found that what she calls  “bad body fever”  has been a problem that has plagued women for at least a century.  Now that I’m approaching middle age, I’m more tolerant about what my body looks like, even though women of a certain age — like Brooke — who still look fabulous have raised the bar considerably.

Well it turns out that Brooke also had a negative body image as an adolescent and young adult. So, to help out girls today, she works with the SMART girls program, sponsored Tupperware’s Chain of Confidence campaign (and before you start dissing Tupperware, keep in mind that this company started as a way for stay-at-home Moms to make their own money  My Mom sold Tupperware — it pays pretty well, plus you get lots of freebies.  I still loves the ones I got from her).  Between that and her campaign to raise awareness and reduce stigma about postpartum depression, I now really like and admire her.

Another, non-corporate initiative that I like a lot is Love Your Body, sponsored by the National Organization for Women.  It gives great advice on how to protest offensive ads and promote healthy body images. Organize an event on your campus — we do it every year at CCSU.

History of Mother’s Day

Via.

Given the following possibilities, how many of us could pick the right answer?
Mother’s Day began:
* In 1858, when Anna Jarvis, a young Appalachian homemaker, organized “Mother’s Work Days” to improve the sanitation and avert deaths from disease-bearing insects and seepage of polluted water.

* In 1872, when Boston poet, pacifist and women’s suffragist Julia Ward Howe established a special day for mothers –and for peace– not long after the bloody Franco-Prussian War.

* In 1905, when Anna Jarvis died, her daughter, also named Anna, decided to memorialize her mother’s lifelong activism, and began a campaign that culminated in 1914 when Congress passed a Mother’s Day resolution.

The correct answer: All of the above. Each woman and all of these events have contributed to the present occasion now celebrated on the second Sunday in May.


The cause of world peace was the impetus for Julia Ward Howe’s establishment, over a century ago, of a special day for mothers. Following unsuccessful efforts to pull together an international pacifist conference after the Franco-Prussian War, Howe began to think of a global appeal to women.


“While the war was still in progress,” she wrote, she keenly felt the “cruel and unnecessary character of the contest.” She believed, as any woman might, that it could have been settled without bloodshed. And, she wondered, “Why do not the mothers of mankind interfere in these matters to prevent the waste of that human life of which they alone bear and know the cost?”


Howe’s version of Mother’s Day, which served as an occasion for advocating peace, was held successfully in Boston and elsewhere for several years, but eventually lost popularity and disappeared from public notice in the years preceding World War I.


For Anna Jarvis, also known as “Mother Jarvis,” community improvement by mothers was only a beginning. Throughout the Civil War she organized women’s brigades, asking her workers to do all they could without regard for which side their men had chosen. And, in 1868, she took the initiative to heal the bitter rifts between her Confederate and Union neighbors.


The younger Anna Jarvis was only twelve years old in 1878 when she listened to her mother teach a Sunday school lesson on mothers in the Bible. “I hope and pray that someone, sometime, will found a memorial mother’s day,” the senior Jarvis said. “There are many days for men, but none for mothers.”


Following her mother’s death, Anna Jarvis embarked on a remarkable campaign. She poured out a constant stream of letters to men of prominence — President William Taft and former President Theodore Roosevelt among them — and enlisted considerable help from Philadelphia merchant John Wannamaker. By May of 1907, a Mother’s Day service had been arranged on the second Sunday in May at the Methodist Church in Grafton, West Virginia, where Mother Jarvis had taught. That same day a special service was held at the Wannamaker Auditorium in Philadelphia, which could seat no more than a third of the 15,000 people who showed up.

The custom spread to churches in 45 states and in Puerto Rico, Hawaii, Mexico and Canada. The Governor of West Virginia proclaimed Mother’s Day in 1912; Pennsylvania’s governor in 1913 did the same. The following year saw the Congressional Resolution, which was promptly signed by President Woodrow Wilson.
Mother’s Day has endured. It serves now, as it originally did, to recognize the contributions of women. Mother’s Day, like the job of “mothering,” is varied and diverse. Perhaps that’s only appropriate for a day honoring the multiple ways women find to nurture their families, and the ways in which so many have nurtured their communities, their countries, and the larger world.